Key Question 1 -

From FIS's perspective 'Cohesion' means a situation where individuals and communities feel that they

· are 'at home in' or part of the bigger picture within the society within which they live, and not feel that they exist on the margins of that society or have the sense of being excluded;

· they do not feel that they or their perceived interests are threatened by any other group; or that society is regulated unduly in the interests of another group or groups.

We see the term 'Integration' is used to indicate the successful inclusion of individuals and communities in the broader society. It is used in distinction to the term 'Assimilation' which suggests that 'Integration' has been accompanied by an abandonment of distinguishing cultural characteristics (language or other cultural markers) by the populations involved in favour of the adoption of those of a dominant indigenous population.

The use of these terms often exaggerates the degree of completeness or permanency of processes which appear to have taken place. Historically, a second or third generation may reclaim/reinvent aspects of the culture of their ancestors - or a specific community may change its general attitudes - often, in either circumstance, in response to specific political, economic or cultural circumstances.

Neither 'cohesiveness' or 'integration' imply communities or societies without diversity or tension. The debate about Cohesion is one concerning a dynamic system of relationships which are in a continuing state of development and change.

We are concerned about some of the terms of this debate including:

· the apparent panic-driven flight from multi-culturalism

· the apparent criticism of organisations based in one ethnic community and offering services to that community as a threat to social cohesion;

· the belief among some prominent exponents of the Cohesion agenda that the marginalisation of sections of the Irish community is a thing of the past, if it ever existed - without, apparently, resort to any concrete data.

We believe that the extent to which the Irish community is excluded from consideration in policy formation in Britain constitutes a specific form of 'institutional racism'.

We believe that one of the bases on which local Cohesion policies must rest is comprehensive comparable data on all significant local communities, including largely white communities like the Irish, to indicate performance (including deficits).

Key Question 2 -

Some of the main tensions between different groups/communities can be characterised as follows:

(a) fear within white British communities - sometimes though not always, in areas affected by economic change and decline - that ethnic minorities, newer immigrants and/or refugees are accessing public services (education, housing, health, social support) at the expense of the older indigenous communities (which - in reality - are likely to include integrated/assimilated descendents of previous in-migrations);

(b) belief among local ethnic minority communities (including white communities) that they are being discriminated against or excluded.

Tackling the issues:

· local regeneration with more thought as to how all local communities can be involved; comprehensively in the processes (there is a need also within this strategy to build relations across communities as has been attempted in Northern Ireland);

· investigation of the real local impact of regeneration and employment projects (e.g. what do these projects actually bring to local marginalised populations, including BMEs and marginalised sections of white British populations?);

· investigation of 'fitness for purpose' of Sure Start;

· more aggressively up-front arguing of the business case for the role of in-migrants in the labour force;

· improving the statistical knowledge of in-movements of population to underpin a more informed public debate on this issue;

· real costs of impact of in-migration and support of asylum seekers and refugees on centrally funded local services needs to be met by central government to under-cut racist arguments about outsiders creating local shortages in these services.

(c) attribution of aspects of perceived rising crime to behaviour in certain ethnic communities

Tacking the issues:

· there is a need for good statistics on which to attempt to encourage an informed debate and to challenge stereotypes;

· where there is a high incidence of crime in specific communities, both government and communities should take a reality check in order to seek to identify the issues which will contribute to long term solutions, including access to pathways out of crime through training, medical treatment, counselling (including in the prison system - areas of which are 'not fit for purpose') as well as deterrents;

· voluntary sector, community and peer projects to assist integration should be prioritised.

(d) fear that 'British culture' is threatened with extinction by specific in-comers and/or their children; resentment of behaviour which is interpreted as an unwillingness of members of certain minority ethnic groups or their children to integrate or assimilate to 'British' or local norms, including dress, specific cultural practices, or imputed unwillingness to learn English

Tackling the issues:

· Recognition that the experience of the Irish and many other communities who migrated to Britain is that they sought to ensure that their children integrated and that, through education, etc., they had 'a good start' in life which would ensure their futures;

· Recognition that very many of today's migrants are doing likewise, often taking on several poorly-paid jobs to ensure their children's futures;

· This majority aspect of migrant experience should be celebrated and negative stereotypes to the contrary challenged;

· A more tolerant attitude to diversity and difference should be positively encouraged and issues around language and dress should not be allowed to become 'loyalty tests';

· while there may be some aspects of particular cultures which have views on aspects of women's public participation and self-presentation in society which may be a barrier to participation, it should be recognised that those communities are not united on these issues which are subject to internal debates.

(e) discrimination against people arising on such grounds as skin-colour, nationality or religion, gender or sexual orientation including 'colour' racism, anti-Irish racism, anti-Traveller racism, Islamaphobia, anti-Semitism, etc.

Tackling the issues:

· challenging of ignorance and/or stereotyping;

· strong anti-racist legal framework;

· strong equalities legal framework;

· partnerships to promote equal opportunities and anti-racism;

· public funding of voluntary bodies, including faith-based groups, should be dependent on their compliance with anti-racist and equalities legal frameworks.

Key Question 3 -

Belonging: A feeling of being accepted - seeing your own reflection in society - to give two examples:

· Irishman (40s): "When I was growing up there were no positive images of Irishness available to me."

· Irishwoman at Mayor's Respect Festival c. 2002: "I came all this way because I wanted to hear some Irish music - I'm very disappointed, I though this was for everyone."

Ground rules:

If we live in a diverse society, we are unlikely to agree with or feel comfortable everything; but for that society to function we have to try to see/understand something of the other person's point of view, and to be able to live with difference and diversity.

In return we have the right to expect a similar degree of consideration and respect.

Key Question 4 -

People from different background may lead parallel or separate lives for lots of reasons: they may like to live close to people of whom they consider of a similar social, ethnic, or religious background or (in some contexts) they may feel it safer, more conducive to upward mobility or eternal salvation to do so.

In fact, the market places most people where they are, assisted by their command (or lack of) income, knowledge networks of what is available in terms of accommodation, access to employment and to various desirable facilities.

Historically, there have been reception areas in which migrants clustered and, generally speaking, integration and varying degrees of upward mobility have resulted in dispersal out of 'reception' areas, with some areas retaining a denser level of settlement than others - most migrants and their children settling in so-so, some very well, and some very poorly. This has been the history of groups like Jews, the Chinese, the Irish and Afro-Caribbean - to name but a few - all of which have been racialised and seen as problematic communities in one way or another.

In many ways it is now the turn of Muslim people (or those assumed to be of that background) to enter that limelight.

It is useful to remind ourselves that Britain - in the way in which people lead their lives and despite levels of disadvantage, discrimination and social exclusion - is still a highly cohesive place in terms of settlement and in the way civil society operates. Also that the lack of cohesion which exists also extends to sections of the indigenous population where poverty and unemployment exclude people from positive participation in society.

Many people from ethnic majorities and ethnic minorities lead separate or parallel lives part of the time, because - for example - their personal interests, and then come together for other purposes: e.g. in the work place, in a mainstream political party or trade union or professional association, as a member of a multi-cultural church congregation.

This is the reality of most people's lives.

Key Question 5 -

Why is the government absent from this list given that it has engaged us in what is undoubtedly the most unpopular and internally divisive wars of this or the last century - we are commenting on the unpopularity of the war here and not on its merits - and one which has caused great anxiety among British Muslims (as well as among other British citizens); and that it is responsible for the general direction and funding of policies which are delivered at a local level (some of which are referred to elsewhere in this submission).

We have already suggested a role for voluntary organisations in providing information to in-migrants to assist integration, and in building bridges between the new and established communities. In stressing the role of culture and sport and leisure activities, we were implying a role for theatres, art centres and sports associations, and youth organisations.

We would want to assert the role of the Irish voluntary sector and of Irish cultural organisations in this process of information and bridge building.

Although we have expressed the concern that funding of faith groups should be dependent on their conforming to equal opportunities and anti-racist legal frameworks, we have referred to the role which churches and faith groups can play in integration and in mediation between new and established communities; and we have urged one of our associate members, a faith group, to work with British faith groups.

We see a role for the local authorities, the health service, housing associations and the police (in terms of neighbourhood and community policing) as contributing to social integration, as we do private sector bodies (in terms of employment). Secure accommodation and employment are key elements contributing to integration and a (related) sense of belonging. Inequalities in these areas, around employment, access and treatment, can heighten the state of marginalisation and alienation; and we believe for example, that the government - in addressing Cohesion issues for example - cannot afford to ignore the high rates of unemployment among Muslims.

The police also have a security role. Learning from our own experience in the 1970s and 1980s, when we were a 'suspect community' - with the effect that the community withdrew into itself and harboured a sense of grievance about various aspects of state policy - we have contributed to symposia and spoken publicly about aspects of current security policy in an attempt to warn against similar mistakes being made with regard to the Muslim community.

Learning also from the 1970s and 1980s - when official silence on miscarriages of justice and anti-Irish stereotyping of Irish people in the media added to our discomfort - we are aware of the need for responsibility in the way the press and politicians react to events. Our feelings in this respect were confirmed when, in the mid-1990s the Provisional IRA resumed its bombing campaign, responsible reporting and comments from both national and local politicians prevented backlashes or a resurgence of anti-Irish feeling against the Irish community in Britain.

Key Question 6 -

New people: Housing, NI Number(s), information about education system and facilities (for children) and re registration with doctor and medical facilities; information re accessing help with special educational needs like English language; information re social and general rights and entitlements; general orientation to the locality and area including information about BME networks. Voluntary sector (including BME sector), civil society bodies and churches should be regarded as local partners in this work. Refugees and asylum seekers will need more transitional material and possibly medical and psychological support, as well as orientation and attention to skills (including language) deficits.

Existing residents: Change is often painful and challenging for people; although it can be also exciting and invigorating. This needs to be understood; but what is perceived as stereotyping prejudice needs to be challenged.

Research on Irish migration suggests that those who adapt to new cultures best are often those who have desirable/high-status skills and who see themselves as more in control of their destiny; those who adapt least well are those with low level/status skills who feel that they have little choice and that their actions are dominated by necessity. Some of this thinking can illuminate the dynamics of local communities. In reality, the issue of people movement, opportunity, choice, diversity need to be built into modules of a necessary liberal educational curriculum.

Make available more factual information about what is happening and about the background to the new people and the economic and social benefits they bring; if refugees, why they are there.

The resources of local voluntary organisations should be drawn upon in initiatives to build relations between existing residents and new communities, particularly in using culture, social and sporting activities, as bridge-builders.

Equally, anticipated growth in demand for services through in-migration, and programmes to integrate migrants and to support refugees and asylum seekers, should be properly funded, to pre-empt racist arguments regarding pressure on services.

Unfounded racist arguments should be challenged by local and national leaderships.

Key Question 7 -

Education, direct experience of other communities, factual information (in ways suggested above) will tend to reduce prejudice.

This needs to be supported by other initiatives and approaches, as suggested in the submission, at different levels.